People v. Ferrer, G.R. Nos. L-32613-14 December 27, 1972
SEDITIOUS SPEECH
People v. Ferrer, G.R. Nos. L-32613-14
December 27, 1972
[T]he [Anti-Subversion] Act is
aimed against conspiracies to overthrow the Government by force, violence or
other illegal means. Whatever interest in freedom of speech and freedom of association
is infringed by the prohibition against knowing membership in the Communist
Party of the Philippines, is so indirect and so insubstantial as to be clearly
and heavily outweighed by the overriding considerations of national security
and the preservation of democratic institutions in his country.
The membership clause of the U.S. Federal Smith Actis similar
in many respects to the membership provision ofthe Anti-Subversion Act. The
former provides:
Whoever organizes or helps or
attempts to organize anysociety, group, or assembly of persons who teach,
advocate, orencourage the overthrow or destruction of any such governmentby
force or violence; or becomes or is a member of, or affiliatedwith, any such
society, group or assembly of persons, knowingthe purpose thereof —
Shall be fined not more than
$20,000 or imprisoned notmore than twenty years, or both, and shall be
ineligible for emplymentby the United States or any department or
agencythereof, for the five years next following his conviction....
In sustaining the validity of this provision, the "Court
said in Scales vs. United States:
It was settled in Dennis that
advocacy with which we are here concerned is not constitutionally protected
speech, and it was further established that a combination to promote such
advocacy, albeit under the aegis of what purports to be a political party, is
not such association as is protected by the first Amendment. We can discern no
reason why membership, when it constitutes a purposeful form of complicity in a
group engaging in this same forbidden advocacy, should receive any greater
degree of protection from the guarantees of that Amendment.
Moreover, as was held in another case, where the problems of
accommodating the exigencies of self-preservation and the values of liberty are
as complex and intricate as in the situation described in the legislative
findings stated in the U.S. Federal Subversive Activities Control Act of
1950,the legislative judgment as to how that threat may best be met
consistently with the safeguards of personal freedoms is not to be set aside
merely because the judgment of judges would, in the first instance, have chosen
other methods. For in truth, legislation, "whether it restrains freedom to
hire or freedom to speak, is itself an effort at compromise between the claims
of the social order and individual freedom, and when the legislative compromise
in either case is brought to the judicial test the court stands one step
removed from the conflict and its resolution through law."
FERNANDO, J., dissenting:
The line is to be drawn, however, where the wordsamount to an
incitement to commit the crime of seditionor rebellion. The state has been
reached, to follow theformulation of Cardozo, where thought merges into
action.Thus is loyalty shown to the freedom of speech or pressordained by the
Constitution. It does not bar the expressionof views affecting the very life of
the state, even ifopposed to its fundamental presuppositions. It allows, if it
does not require as a matter of fact, that unorthodox ideas be freely
ventilated and fully heard. Dissent is not disloyalty.
Such an approach is
reinforced by the well-settled constitutional principle "that even though
the governmental purposes be legitimate and substantial, they cannot be pursued
by means that broadly stifle fundamental personal liberties when the end can be
more narrowly achieved. For precision of regulation is the touchstone in an
area so closely related to our most precious freedoms." This
is so for "a governmental purpose to control or prevent activities
constitutionally subject to state regulation may not be achieved by means which
sweep unnecessarily broadly and thereby invade the area of protected
freedoms." 25 It is indispensable then that "an
over breadth" in the applicability of the statute be avoided. If such be
the case, then the line dividing the valid from the constitutionally infirm has
been crossed. That for me is the conclusion to be drawn from the wording of the
Anti-Subversion Act.
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